A road agency that has paid out billions for its own contractual sins, run for seven months by a man the High Court had just convicted of contempt, handed a Sh3 billion tarmac contract to an outfit with no comparable highway pedigree on the strength of a Chinese contractor’s name it stole and a stamp it forged. The whistleblower told them in March. They waited until a judge was watching in May.
A whistleblower dossier now in the hands of investigators in Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo lays bare how East Africa’s biggest betting platform allegedly built a continent-wide financial crime operation from Nairobi’s Parklands. Investigations are active. The right of reply was sent. The silence that followed spoke louder than any denial could.
Charles Korgoren Kerich, for nearly a decade the most indispensable technocrat at Nairobi City Hall, is now a convicted contempt fugitive cooling his heels in America while Kenyan courts have issued an arrest warrant, a German investor suffered alleged death threats and a Sh52,000 credit card fraud linked to his business associates, and Sh65.3 million in cash was unearthed from under the nose of his departmental colleague. His story is Kenya’s impunity problem distilled into one man’s spectacular flight from accountability.
The Chatthe name Ragbhir Singh Chatte, also known as Jassi or Bhire; his brother Sukhwinder Singh Chatthe, also called Raju; and the extended Channan-Chatthe clan has been woven into the industrial fabric of the Kisumu sugar belt for two decades.
Public land at Kenya’s strategic Kipevu enclave has been quietly carved out for a politically connected private entity without competitive bidding, environmental approvals, or public participation. The company is building a Container Freight Station on national infrastructure, and has secured an exclusive single-source tender for 20 per cent of all South Sudan transit cargo. The man who holds these assets in trust for Kenya KPA Managing Director Captain William K. Ruto has gone to ground. His phone rings unanswered. His office is silent. The ultimatum has expired. The construction has not.
Three government officials arrested. Three resigned. Five senior civil servants under criminal probe. Sixty thousand Mombasa villagers facing eviction. A Sh11.8 billion cargo of fuel so toxic it failed every standard Kenya has. And one man, 78 years old, walking free — his companies intact, his monopolies renewed, his court cases falling his way. This is the anatomy of Mohammed Jaffer.
Leaked loan documents, bank records and whistleblower accounts reveal how the former Nilepet Managing Director allegedly pressured subordinates to borrow USD 1 million in the national oil company’s name, then routed the funds through a subsidiary to his wife’s private account to construct a hospital in a Juba property linked to a UN-sanctioned general. Now Afriland First Bank is preparing to sue the subsidiary he left holding the debt, while Amuor poses as a governance reformer.
For years, warning signs have accumulated over the management of South Sudan’s oil revenues. Resources that should have sustained a population enduring one of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises have instead disappeared through opaque networks linked to a small circle of senior officials and their intermediaries. Neither the authorities in Juba nor the international […]
SHA’s suspension of one of Nairobi’s oldest private hospitals is only the visible tip. Beneath it lies a years-long pattern of co-collection — simultaneously raiding public insurance and patients’ pockets while a self-styled non-profit charity shielded the institution from the scrutiny it deserved.
An investigation into the decade-long governance paralysis, the CEO carousel, the humiliating rights issue failure, the Mansa-X rescue, and the staggering ex-gratia payments that were the financial lubricant needed to finally move Kenya’s most founder-captured bank from private legacy to public liability. The listing on June 23, 2026 was not a triumph of vision. It was the completion of a transaction. And new shareholders are the ones who bought it.
A federal lawsuit from a JFK-based aviation parts distributor is the latest and most public symptom of a national carrier that has accumulated Sh206.8 billion in losses, carries Sh131.4 billion in concessional government debt it cannot service, operates aircraft its own auditors flag under going-concern uncertainty, and has now run out of suppliers willing to wait. This is the story Kenya Airways does not want published.
When a county is spending more than half its income on payroll, there is almost nothing left for the roads, the medicines, the dispensary equipment and the development projects that feature so prominently in press releases.
Development
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