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Leak: Intelligence Agencies Are Sifting Through DP Ruto’s Finances

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The rift between President Uhuru and his Deputy Ruto continues to widen by the day. With Ruto campaigning against BBI, the president hasn’t hidden his dislike for the DP who since the handshake with Raila has been distant.

In one of his pronouncements, the president publicly claimed that Sh2B is stolen from government coffers daily in which was a subliminal attack on DP Ruto who’s perceived to be looting.

While it has always been said, the DP’s questionable wealth which runs in billions is now being in radar. Information that we have is Nairobi’s internal security, police and anti-corruption services (EACC) are sifting through the finances of Deputy President William Ruto, who is intending to run in the next presidential election against Raila Odinga, a former rivalturned ally of Kenyatta.

In mid-February, President Uhuru Kenyatta instructed his leading investigators to look into any potential irregularities in the business dealings of his deputy president William Ruto, who as well as being a politician is a successful businessman. Relations between Kenyatta and Ruto have been glacial ever since 9 March 2018 when the president buried the hatchet with his erstwhile political opponent Raila Odinga, who is now likely to be Ruto’s main rival to take over from Kenyatta in 2022.

Ruto’s finances and security arrangements under scrutiny.

This is the first time that the deputy president has been directly targeted in this way, though Kenyatta has already been on the warpath against his principal ministerial allies, claiming the scalp of Ruto’s main supporter, the now former treasury secretary Henry Rotich , back in July was discharged of his duties and arraigned in court over his involvement in Arror and Kimwarer dam scandal that the DP was particularly vocal on.

Muge(circled) during a trip with DP in Uganda.

At the center of investigations according to sources talking to Kenya Insights indicate that David Muge is at the center of focus. Detectives are looking into the multibillion dams scandal. Officials of an Italian firm, Co-operativa Muratoi Cementisti Di Ravenna linked Muge an ally of William Ruto, to the Sh2 billion bribe allegedly received when Ruto visited Italy in December last year.

Muge by then was one of the powerful people surrounding Ruto and attended the DP’s high profile meetings even with heads of state. Muge was then the Ruto’s financial controller in charge of campaign fundraising and is what Muhoho Kenyatta was to Uhuru Kenyatta’s campaigns, Joshua Kulei was to Daniel Moi or Joe Wanjui was to Mwai Kibaki.

The bribery allegations are related to advance payments worth Sh4.9 billion made to the firm, yet no work had started at Kimwarer and Arror dams.
CMC Di Ravenna is said to have been paid Sh10 billion for Itare Dam, meaning it had pocketed a total of Sh14.9 billion.

Former Treasury cabinet secretary Henry Rotich is among those who’re in court in relation to the Sh65 billion stalled dam projects.

The firm, which was overseeing three separate projects valued at Sh91 billion, reportedly exited the country leaving hydro-power and drinking water projects in Nakuru and Elgeyo Marakwet counties after filing for bankruptcy in Italy.

The website, www.globalcapital.com published an article, ‘Distressed CMC Ravenna stokes HY’s Italian fears,” in which it reported that the company had chosen to go for debt restructuring under the insolvency laws of Italy, a move which would protect the firm from its creditors.

According to highly placed sources, the Italian officials claim Ruto ally took the money while on a tour of Italy and wired it to a safe haven in New Jersey.

The deputy president toured Italy in December last year where he addressed private sector players and various industry heads in Rome, as he sought to foster public-private partnership to bolster Kenya’s development plan.

He also visited Politecnico di Milano, the largest technical university in Italy, which agreed to support Kenya in finetuning technical education “to be in tandem with industry demands”.

Among those the DP met in Milan included Politecnico don, Rector Ferracciolo Resta. The Italian officials, according to sources, have revealed, Ruto allies used the visit as a coverup to take the Sh2 billion which was paid through an Italian Bank and a day later wired to New Jersey.

It was after their confessions that DCI director George Kinoti, Director of Public Prosecution Noordin Hajji and Dorcas Oduor led a team to Italy to investigate claims top Kenya government officials had been bribed by the Italian officials.

They also wanted to investigate the claims that part of the loot had been used to acquire helicopters.
At least three cabinet secretaries are under investigations for receiving kickbacks from contractors engaged in state projects.

The stunning revelations were first made during a meeting between contractors, top government officials and bosses of investigative agencies.
Already, Rotich an ally of Ruto has been charged over stalled government projects estimated at Sh366 billion.

He is also in court over missing Sh40 billion which was part of Sh63 billion that had been earmarked for the stalled Kimwarer and Arror dams projects in the Rift Valley.

An intelligence report in 2018 linked Muge, Charles Keter and John Ngumi into a multi million bribery scandal in Kenya Pipeline.

The report highlighted on KPC Line 5 Project contract sum kshs 48.4 Billion. It noted that the procurement process was above board and the speed  of financial evaluation was done and award letter given was suspicious. Also the report followed  the movements of money overseas and within the country in what they used to piece up and build their case.

Mr David Muge(DM) signed the commission agency agreement with Zakhem for ksh 6B. A big question in the report is the mysterious man in the middle of this scandal. Investigations were to reveal whether the money was wired from Turkey to UK where Muge held a permanent residency, or if the money was wired from US to UK and how the money ended up in Kenya and through which bank accounts.

According to sources privy with the dealings talking to Kenya Insights, Muge is also at the center of the laptops for school children in yet another controversial deal he cut with Portuguese businessmen JP SA Couto JPIK. Muge who has a palatial home in Karen suspected to have been bought off by the proceeds from Zakhem deal, prefers living silently away from media view but moves major behind scenes.

Our sources intimate that investigators are scrutinizing an account CBA(now NCBA) 7466440012 which was used by Muge to receive Laptop kickbacks. A Paul Ronoh , fired NBK boss Mohammed Hassan were all implicated in the laptop contract with the Portuguese company. The deal was flagged for money laundering, which is part of the reasons Hassan was kicked out. Ruto had also planned to buy NBK unsuccessfully.

On the 10 First Floor, Kenya Re Towers in Upper Hill where Muge spends most of his time of not at his Karen home construction, he’s at Trident Heights Riara where he’s building a 2 block apartments which is built under Netai Ltd a company associated with his girlfriend Nancy Tai or in Eldoret where he’s also building a home.

Great Rift Coffee was a huge project started by David Muge the vet doctor from London recently exposed on KenyaInsights as the middleman between Zakhem and Ruto, an arrangement to protect and conceal Ruto’s involvement. 

Huge backhanders were filtered through stooge companies such as Clifton Energy International and looted money has already been spent on impressive projects like Great Rift Coffee.  This project was cleverly disguised on the Great Rift website (now disappeared!). 

It misleadingly portrayed Muge as a generous diaspora bringing home the spoils of his successful business in the UK to invest in Kenya. But since his UK companies have not made any significant profit in the UK according to the publicly filed accounts there, something doesn’t add up.

Investigators are also concerned with Mbagathi Ridge 1160/263/2 Payment In late August 2016/early September 2016 Zakhem transferred 500,000USD to Masika and Koross Advocates po box 50208 00100. This payment was used for Nairobi City County Land Payment receipt Plot number 1160/263/2 piece of land in Karen. 12,500 shillings paid by Antonio Kwemoi 24 Jan 2017 around 2pm Plot owner John Michael Ross McMillan.

Netai Limited which is associated with Nancy Tai( Muge’s girlfriend) was used to purchase some property, use Prime Bank Nairobi. Solicitor Masika and Koross. Apartment 2 south block trident height Riara erected on land reference number 330/1339 (original 330/397) from Nairobi canary whare investments to Netai Ltd. Due diligence was likely not done on where money for just one of properties bought.

Investigators are looking into suspicious transactions made by Zhakhem to Muge on the following account details, these bank accounts transacted billions from Zakhem to Muge

Summer Fields FZE
AED account
858-2216006-901
IBAN:
AE740400008582216006901
USD account
858-2216006-902
IBAN:
AE470400008582216006902
EUR account
858-2216006-903
IBAN:
AE200400008582216006903
GBP account
858-2216006-904
IBAN:
AE900400008582216006904
Bank Swift Code:
NRAKAEAK
*Bank Address:
Fujairah Branch
Fujairah,UAE
POBOX: 9915 Fujairah-UAE
Importation of cars from UK for DP and others. Fleet expensive cars including top Range Rover adds to accusations against Muge. Our sources intimate that since Muge came into public limelight, the DP partly cut links with him and now doing business in EACH and particularly in Uganda. Detectives are hot on heels how his company Clifton Energy which is now a shell was used to launder money for DP.
Lawyer Adil Khawaja.
Also at the center of investigations by the state’s sleuths is corporate lawyer Adil Khawaja.

Lawyer Adil Khawaja with KCB CEO Joshua Oigara.

Months ago, KCB Group company secretary Joseph Kania in a statement to the Nairobi Securities Exchange announced the retirement of Adil Khawaja as Non-Executive Director of KCB board. This action seemed procedural and timely. But Khawaja was probably forced out by panicked bank over money laundering claims and Khawaja’s close ties with DP Ruto and his questionable sources of immense wealth. Khawaja is a Managing Partner in Dentons Hamilton Harrison & Mathews.

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In May 2020 for instance, Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) flagged a multimillion-shilling transaction. On 14th May 2020, the I&M Bank account of Adil Khawaja transferred Kshs.314 million to an account held by a Mr Tanui. Mr. Tanui is a cousin to Deputy President William Ruto. Tanui on the same day, withdrew Shs.240 million in cash.

On the day the transfer and withdrawal happened, CBK flagged the transaction and KCB gave supporting documents of a tender supply payment at Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC). The person that signed off on the CBK query was KCB CEO Joshua Oigara. The sign off, was to indicate that the transaction was above board. But of concern to the regulator was why a non-executive director of KCB who is also the Deputy President’s lawyer was sending such an amount to a cousin of the Deputy President. More troubling, however, is why the CEO involvement in such a transaction in less than an hour after CBK’s red flag.

Usually a signature from a head of treasury department with a sign off from the Bank manager would be sufficient.

The regulator activated the CBK anti-fraud unit to investigate the suspicious transfer of monies. The investigation revealed that Adil Khawaja transferred money and advised Joshua Oigara to draft a response to CBK, in the event CBK flagged the transaction. At the time of the transaction, Joshua sent a message to a lady known as Veronica Nyabuto and asked her to ‘collect and deposit’ a parcel from Capital Club where Adil is a member. On 15th May, Ms. Veronica deposited 16 million shillings in her KCB account. CBK sleuths believe this was a bribe given by Adil (on behalf of Ruto) to Joshua Oigara.

In 2001, Adil Khawaja was announced as the PARTNER by the CEO of Hamiltons Harrison and Mathews law firm. He has been a partner at the firm till 2013. The year Kenyan CONSTITUTION was brought down to a level of NEWSPAPER. Perhaps a brief history:

How do you think President Uhuru and DP Ruto were allowed to be on the ballot? Between 2007-2010, Adil Khawaja was the designated Law Society of Kenya Elections Scrutineer. During this period, DP Ruto’s (One of the accused suspect of CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY at the ICC) lawyer was seconded by Law Society of Kenya to the Judiciary Committee responsible for the renovation of the new Commercial Courts at Milimani.

Lawyer Adil Khawaja has a Masters Degree in Law from Kenya’s most notable Higher learning institution The University of Nairobi. The University of Nairobi was ranked 7 among the top 10 universities in Africa in 2020 by the African Exponent.

Adil Legal 500

After 2013, Adil Khawaja was controversially recognised as a leading lawyer by IFLR 1000, Legal 500 and Chambers Global. These are internationally recognized legal directories. The biggest foundation for the new appointment. He was named the Managing Partner at Hamiltons Harrison and Mathews law firm. He is still in that same position to date.

In 2018, Dentons, the world’s largest law firm announced combination with Hamilton, Harrison & Mathews (HH&M), one of the largest firms in Kenya. The combination made HH&M — which dates back to 1902, making it one of the oldest firms in Africa, part of Dentons Africa.

“Clients in East Africa, and clients wanting to do business there, will benefit from high-quality legal service on a truly global scale that only Dentons can offer. Our clients have access to the deep local knowledge that is provided by lawyers who are both in and of the communities they serve,” said Joe Andrew, Global Chairman of Dentons.

Controversially, this was the same year that Solicitor Regulatory Authority launched investigations over the faked notes scandal. HH&M has been associated with Dentons for more than 10 years and is the third-largest firm in Kenya by partner headcount. Be the judge!

Adil is highly recognised in Kenyan’s business circles for his legal expertise and holds board positions in various companies. Currently, he is the chairman of KCB Bank Kenya Limited and sits on the board of Al Futtaim Automotive -CMC Motors Group and Kenya Power Company Limited.

Kenya Commercial Bank (KCB) has been accused of doing money laundering for Deputy President Dr William Ruto. A controversial blogger Abraham Mutai through his social media handles revealed how the bank has been colluding with the second in command in doing several Fraudulent transactions.

According to the blogger, KCB has been financing DP Ruto’s projects. The bank has been doing this through Ruto’s kin. Nick Ruto, the DP’s son who is a lawyer by profession works at Hamilton Harrison and Matthews.

KCB has been alleged to be doing money laundering business for the second in command. according to the blogger, Joshua Oigara, the Bank’s CEO has been flagged as DP Ruto’s private banker.

If the state hadn’t killed Jacob Juma to protect Ruto’s secrets,he would have being their best asset in fighting Ruto, he knew all his secrets. Ruto knows how much Uhuru & friends have stolen and where it’s hidden. He needs a Juma,Otieno Kajwang to feed with Uhuru secrets to leak,” Boniface Mwangi stated.

The money-laundering allegations came barely two days after the State moved to repossess a 1,600-acre land in Ruai which has long been associated with DP Ruto.

The prime land on Kangundo Road in Nairobi is one of two parcels that has been taken back by the State for the expansion of Nairobi’s main sewerage plant.

The government today embarked on an operation to repossess over 3,000 acres of the Dandora Estate Waste Sewerage Treatment Plant, located in Ruai, which has been grabbed by private entities,” said a joint statement by Lands and Physical Planning Principal Secretary Nicholas Muraguri, and his Water, Sanitation and Irrigation counterpart Joseph Irungu.

The PSs named the affected parcels as LR 28706, measuring 1,605 acres, which is owned by Renton Company Limited. The other parcel is LR 28707, measuring 999 acres. Renton company, which was registered in 1995, was allocated the land by William ole Ntimama, the then Local Government minister.

The firm is associated with Ruto, the son of an influential former Kenya Power and Lighting Company top official, and a prominent city lawyer from the Rift Valley.

Last year, the econd in command had chartered a Private Bombardier Global 7500 Executive Jet from JKIA.

Ruto shared photos of him meeting several prominent personalities, including former Nigeria Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

Abubakar was once wanted by the US government for his role in grand corruption. The US government also slapped him with a 12-year travel ban.

Ruto with Abubakar in Dubai.

The trip came at the height of ICC threatening to reignite Ruto’s ICC case in The Hague. Again in the middle of the circus was Adil Khawaja himself. Intelligence sources indicate that the low laid lawyer held a closed door meeting with the DP in a private villa in the Mirdif neighborhood of Dubai.

The meeting was also attended by the CEO of Abu Dhabi Islamic Bank (ADIB), Mr. Sandeep Chouhan.

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It is intimated that Mr. Khawaja’s accounts at the multinational bank belong to Dr. Ruto and was seeking assistance to secure billions of dollars ahead of a possible trial at the Hague.

Lawyer Adil Khawaja with KCB CEO Joshua Oigara.

Alleged letter from Dubai to Kenya’s central bank. KCB refuted the authenticity of the letter.

Refuted reply by Oigara to Dubai.

KCB distancing themselves from money laundering allegations.

Mr. Khawaja’s tenure at the Kenya Commercial Bank (KCB), was severally flagged over suspicious money dealings, which involved Ruto’s relatives.

Weston Hotel.

At the heart is the Westin hotel, according to a valuation report by Zenith (Management) Valuers Ltd, was valued at Sh300 million in May 2018 and had been charged to KCB bank for Sh1.2 billion.

On December 7, 2011, Ruto charged the property for Sh100 million, which was discharged on October 8, 2014. Ruto and Rachel signed the charge documents on December 8, 2011 as directors of Weston.

Ruto then charged the property to Kenya Commercial Bank for a Sh350 million and $1.5 million (about Sh150 million) facility on June 30, 2014. This charge was signed by Rachael and Charlene.

On July 8, 2015, Weston took a further charge of Sh700 million which was signed by Rachael and Charlene before lawyer Nancy W. Gitau. This took the total charge at KCB to Sh1.2 billion. All the charges were prepared by the law firm of Hamilton, Harris and Mathews (HH&M).

“KCB subsequently extended additional credit facilities to our client and as a result instructed HH&M to prepare further charge over the property, which was stamped and registered,” said Abdullahi.

He added: “Our client is a bona fide purchaser for value. If there is any defect on the title, our client was not aware of it. The allottee has a valid grant obtained from Government, on which was endorsed the transfer to our client.”

The lawyer told NLC to consider the legality of documents by Weston, saying the hotel directly employed 141 people with several hundred in indirect employment as suppliers and taxi operators.

NLC wrote to Weston on October 8 explaining that it was carrying out inquiries on the circumstances around the allocation and registration of LR Number 209/14372 on Lang’ata Road.But Ruto questioned the intention of the inquiry. He demanded to be given a copy of the formal complaint from KCAA, an explanation on how NLC reached the decision to conduct the inquiry, and any document the commission had about the land.

On December 7, 2011, Ruto charged the property for Sh100 million, which was discharged on October 8, 2014. Ruto and Rachel signed the charge documents on December 8, 2011 as directors of Weston.

Ruto then charged the property to Kenya Commercial Bank for a Sh350 million and $1.5 million (about Sh150 million) facility on June 30, 2014. This charge was signed by Rachael and Charlene.

On July 8, 2015, Weston took a further charge of Sh700 million which was signed by Rachael and Charlene before lawyer Nancy W. Gitau. This took the total charge at KCB to Sh1.2 billion. All the charges were prepared by the law firm of Hamilton, Harris and Mathews (HH&M).

Mr. Khawaja and his law firm drew a contract with KCB within due diligence which is why KCB is standing a chance of losing over Sh1.2B since Nairobi is under new management of General Badi who had vowed to take over grabbed public land. KACC which is the defendant in the Weston land case want the piece to be reclaimed and against any out of the court agreement.

Mr. Khawaja who was bundled out of KCB board upon realizing his uncouth ways, has a disgraced Oigara to buy time for grace before their lights goes dark forever. Mr. Khawaja is currently ranked as top most richest lawyers in Kenya.

Joshua Oigara Money Laundering For Ruto

Months back, KCB Group company secretary Joseph Kania in a statement to the Nairobi Securities Exchange announced the retirement of Adil Khawaja as Non-Executive Director of KCB board. This action seemed procedural and timely. But Khawaja was probably forced out by panicked bank over money laundering claims and Khawaja’s close ties with DP Ruto and his questionable sources of immense wealth.

In May 2020 for instance, Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) flagged a multimillion-shilling transaction. On 14th May 2020, the I&M Bank account of Adil Khawaja transferred Kshs.314 million to an account held by a Mr Tanui. Mr. Tanui is a cousin to Deputy President William Ruto. Tanui on the same day, withdrew Shs.240 million in cash.

On the day the transfer and withdrawal happened, CBK flagged the transaction and KCB gave supporting documents of a tender supply payment at Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC). The person that signed off on the CBK query was KCB CEO Joshua Oigara. The sign off, was to indicate that the transaction was above board. But of concern to the regulator was why a non-executive director of KCB who is also the Deputy President’s lawyer was sending such an amount to a cousin of the Deputy President. More troubling, however, is why the CEO involvement in such a transaction in less than an hour after CBK’s red flag.

Usually a signature from a head of treasury department with a sign off from the Bank manager would be sufficient.

The regulator activated the CBK anti-fraud unit to investigate the suspicious transfer of monies. The investigation revealed that Adil Khawaja transferred money and advised Joshua Oigara to draft a response to CBK, in the event CBK flagged the transaction. At the time of the transaction, Joshua sent a message to a lady known as Veronica Nyabuto and asked her to ‘collect and deposit’ a parcel from Capital Club where Adil is a member. On 15th May, Ms. Veronica deposited 16 million shillings in her KCB account. CBK sleuths believe this was a bribe given by Adil (on behalf of Ruto) to Joshua Oigara.

However, this is not to be the first time that KCB linked with a transaction of the Deputy President. KEMSA saga for instance, Caresha Healthcare solutions company received Shs.135 million for supplying masks. The company has an account at KCB. Caresha is owned by Carolyne Cheruto Kitur who is a sister in law to DP Ruto. Of the Shs135 Million deposited, documents in our possession show that Shs.95 million was deposited in Adil Khawaja’s account. The same pattern of advice regarding drafting response queries to CBK was repeated. Joshua like clockwork drafted the response letter but then delegated the sign off to a Mr Lawrence Kimathi, the KCB CFO.

The infamous Kilig company transaction with KEMSA too has some link with DP Ruto. Ruto’s proxy in this transaction is a son to a Moi era bureaucrat, Gichuru, who is wanted in Jersey, U.K for committing financial crimes. The man is husband to a well known former TV anchor. His company received slightly over Shs.2 Billion from KEMSA supplies. This time round lawyer Katwa Kigen was Ruto’s proxy. The son to the bureaucrat wired Shs.1.7B in tranches to Mr Kigen. And just like clockwork Oigara signed off on the CBK query letter.

Ruto family firm, koelel was linked to taking up major supply tenders of meat at the Kenya Meat Commission at the expense of pastoralists communities who have large herds of cattle a move pundits claims could have necessitated and exercabated unorthodoxy transfer from ministry of agriculture to Defense ministry.

Koelel Limited, which had secured a tender to supply beef worth Ksh. 175,000,000 has Nicholas Ruto as the owner and major shareholder to that effect. Nicholas Ruto is the son to the Deputy President. A local purchase Order issued on 3rd July 2020 directed payment of the same amount for supply of beef.

Joshua Oigara, KCB CEO.

In a documented report by US’s Senttry report, KCB wss mentioned for enabling money laundering in South Sudan. As reported in War Crimes Shouldn’t Pay in September 2016, The Sentry documented  to show how show $3.03 million moved through Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak’s personal bank account a U.S. dollar-denominated account at Kenya Commercial Bank (KCB) between January 2012 and early 2016. Financial transactions reviewed by The Sentry and discussed in its September 2016 report showed millions of dollars passing through Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak’s personal bank account at KCB, including more than $700,000 in cash deposits and large payments from several international construction companies operating in South Sudan.

These payments came from companies backed by Chinese, Lebanese, and Turkish investors. These include hundreds of thousands of dollars in payments and cash deposits into the account since the war in South Sudan began in December 2013. In that same period, over $1.16 million was withdrawn from Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak’s account, in his own name or as “cash.” Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak also has acquired stakes in numerous companies incorporated in South Sudan, including engineering and energy companies.

Two companies named in War Crimes Shouldn’t Pay as having made payments to Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak China Wu Yi and China New Era approached The Sentry following the report’s publication to provide additional details about the nature of their relationship with Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak. Both companies told The Sentry in writing that the funds deposited into Lt. Gen.

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Reuben Riak’s personal bank account at KCB were payments for explosives each company acquired from Mak International Services, a South Sudanese firm controlled by Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak. China New Era declined to answer any additional questions posed by The Sentry. China Wu Yi provided additional information about the nature of its relationship with Mak International and, by extension, Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak.

In a letter to The Sentry, China Wu Yi stated that its business relationship with Mak International began in 2013, shortly after it had acquired a license to open a quarry and stone crushing operation in Central Equatoria state. According to the company, sourcing the explosives needed to carry out its business operations required approval from the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) Engineering Corps.

The SPLA Engineering Corps, in turn, directed the buyer to purchase its explosives from Mak International, which China Wu Yi stated was the only supplier of explosives.14 Between April 9, 2013 and September 29, 2014, China Wu Yi made eight payments amounting to $131,686 for explosives sourced from Mak International.

According to records provided by China Wu Yi, the company received 940 bags of ammonium nitrate (25 kilograms each), 75 packages of “Super Power” (25mm each), 36 rolls of cortex (250m each), and 26 electronic detonators.

According to China Wu Yi, the company’s primary points of contact at Mak International were “Malok Reuben” and “Ayom Reuben.” China Wu Yi was instructed to make payments to Malek Reuben Riak. Six of China Wu Yi’s eight payments for explosives sourced from Mak International a total of $116,166 were checks made out to Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak and deposited into his personal bank account at KCB.

According to the company, it also made two cash payments to Mak International, totaling $13,520. In short, these documents show an SPLA office that at one point employed Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak requiring companies that need explosives for commercial business in South Sudan to obtain them solely from a private company controlled by Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak, who remains a senior military officer.

Furthermore, the apparent ultimate beneficiary of these transactions, Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak, is not only a senior military official but also a former employee of the SPLA Engineering Corps, the entity that oversees the approval process.

The case of Lt. Gen. Reuben Riak also provides an illustration of the untapped leverage the international community possesses vis-à-vis South Sudan. For top officials in South Sudan, the accumulation of wealth is a double-edged sword; their assets are their liabilities.

It is precisely because of this desire to move money usually dollars through banks and across borders that the international community, and especially the United States, is in a position to create the much needed and long-missing leverage in South Sudan.

Mwangi Kiunjuri

In June 2020, another ally of DP Ruto,then agriculture CS Mwangi Kiunjuri was also in the frying pan, intelligence sources say that he was used by the DP to launder money.

Former Agriculture Secretary Mwangi Kiunjuri.

A magistrate allowed the police to investigate bank accounts belonging to former Agriculture Secretary Mwangi Kiunjuri over money laundering allegations far linked to Ruto.

The court order allowed the Assets Recovery Agency to investigate Mr Kiunjuri’s accounts at Equity Bank and directed the lender to provide the account opening documents, statements of accounts, cheque deposits, withdrawal slips and electronic cash transfers.

The move came months after Mr Kiunjuri was sacked from the Cabinet after falling out with President Uhuru Kenyatta.

Mr Kiunjuri an ally of Deputy President William Ruto then launched a new political party — The Service Party — with an eye on the 2022 elections.

Incidentitaly, a High Court judge froze four bank accounts belonging to Mathira MP Rigathi Gachagua, who is alleged to have received about Sh5.8 billion in a period of seven years. The money was believed to be proceeds of crime. It is alleged that the money was received from various State agencies through collusion. His office has since been sealed off as part of the investigations. The momey wad alleged to be Ruto’s.

Some of the suspicious payments made to Mr Gachagua came from the National Irrigation Board, which was under the Ministry of Agriculture during the Mr Kiunjuri’s tenure. The board was moved to the Water Ministry.

ARA is seeking to investigate whether funds from the irrigation board were wired to Mr Kiunjuri’s bank accounts through Mr Gachagua or his associates.

“That the honourable court be pleased to issue orders to investigate and inspect the books of accounts related to the following bank accounts domiciled at Equity Bank…(number withheld) in the name of Mwangi Kiunjuri and any other account,” ARA said in a petition to the court.

The magistrate granted the orders and directed Equity Bank to provide electronic evidence of the transactions in the accounts from January 1, 2014 to date.

The agency was also allowed to investigate other bank accounts in the names of Petlico Agencies Company Ltd, Karandi Farm Ltd, Skytop Agencies, Riang International Group, Encartar Diagnostic Ltd and Beth Wacheri Wacunga.

Already, the High Court froze more than Sh200 million belonging to Mr Gachagua, pending a petition by a State agency for the money to be forfeited to the government.

Mr Gichagua’s accounts at Rafiki Micro Finance Bank remain frozen.

Mathira MP Rigathi Gachagua .

Documents filed in court showed that within seven years, the MP received Sh5.8 billion, which included funds from companies or business entities providing services to ministries, State agencies and county governments.

The funds emanated from the Ministry of Lands (Kenya Informal Settlements Programme), State Department for Special Planning, Ministry of Health, Bungoma County government, Mathira Constituency Development Fund, Nyeri County government and the National Irrigation Board.

The High Court has stopped the MP and Jenne Enterprises from dealing with or transferring the funds.

“There are reasonable grounds to believe that the suspect’s bank accounts were used as conduit of money laundering in efforts to conceal, disguise the nature, source, disposition and movement of the illicit funds and should be preserved,” ARA said.

He received funds from the Ministry of Lands, State Department for Planning, Ministry of Health, Bungoma County Government, Mathira CDF, Nyeri County Government and the National Irrigation Board.

The MP is the brother of the late Nderitu Gachagua, the first Nyeri governor who died in office on 24 February 2017.

“Preliminary investigations established that the respondents were involved in suspected complex scheme of money laundering involving several companies, which initially received funds from government ministries and state agencies and later transferred the funds  to companies/business entities associated with Gachagua and ultimately transferred the funds to Gachagua’s personal accounts,” documents filed in court read  in part.

For instance, on July 4, 2014, a firm identified as Specific Supplies Ltd and whose directors remain unknown received Sh64.75 million in two tranches from the Ministry of Lands and Housing.

The firm was first paid Sh12.75 million and another Sh52 million the same day.

However, four days later, the entire cash was wired to Gachagua’s personal account at Rafiki Microfinance Bank.

“On July 8 2014, Sh65 million was suspiciously transferred from account number 0012…236 in the name of Specific Supplies Limited held at Rafiki Bank to account number 00120 in the name of Rigathi Gachagua, the 1st respondent,” ARA states.

According to the ARA documents, another firm known as Encartar Diagnostics Limited received Sh50 million from Bungoma county on June 10, 2015.

Three days later, on the June 13, Sh35 million was wired into Gachagua’s account.

At the time Bungoma county was making payments to Encartar Diagnostics Ltd.

“I require time to conduct further investigations to establish the nature and purpose of the funds paid from Bungoma County to Encarta Diagnostics Ltd,” Fredrick Musyoki, a detective with ARA, pleaded with the High Court.

In his affidavit, Musyoki says that Gachagua is a close business associate of one Anne Kimemia, trading as Jenne Enterprises Ltd.

The officer said Jenne Enterprises is involved in complex money laundering schemes with Gachagua and at least three of his associated companies.

The listed firms are Wamunyoro Investment Ltd, Technical Supplies and Services (K) Ltd and Crystal Kenya Ltd.

ARA says that on July 15, 2015, Jenne Enterprises received Sh30 million from Rafiki Micro Finance Bank disguised as loan disbursement.

But on the same day, the firm wired Sh28.5 million to Wamunyoro Investment Ltd where Gachagua is a director and shareholder.

Towards the 2017 polls on April 3,  the documents show, Jenne Enterprises also transferred Sh10 million to Wamunyororo Investment Ltd.

The following day, the same firm wired to Gachagua’s personal account another Sh5 million.

The agency says the money movements were designed to conceal, disguise and hide the nature, source movement and depositing of the funds.

According to ARA, Gachagua operated at least three different bank accounts at Rafiki and would regularly make  internal transfers.

For instance, on January 7, 2014, Gachagua moved Sh100 million from his collection account to his fixed deposit account within the same bank.

We will give you more.


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